What Is A Turkish Spiritual Leader Called

Fethullah Gulen is the head of the Gulenist movement and a Turkish religious spiritual leader, according to some, to millions of Turks in Turkey and around the world. His global network of supporters has opened academically focused institutions in 90 countries, including the United States.

The hocaefendi, whose name means “respected instructor,” departed Turkey in 1998 to evade claims of anti-secular activity by the Turkish government. He finally settled in Saylorsburg, Pennsylvania, where he preaches, writes, and guides his following via television and the Internet.

Despite the fact that he is sick and does not travel, secular Turks fear that his political clout will strengthen Islamist influence and turn the country into a religious state. He is well-known in Turkey and Central Asia, but he remains unknown in the United States.

The recluse spiritualist stays in his Poconos house, surrounded by followers, praying, preaching, and arguing that his influence isn't as broad as his detractors claim. He seldom conducts interviews, but I was recently granted permission to visit the lovely resort-like property where he has been residing for the past 14 years and speak with Gulen. The following is a modified transcript of his translated responses:

Fethullah Gulen: I was born into a poor family and have a quiet disposition. I accept these generous offers out of respect for individuals who desire interviews; otherwise, I would prefer to live a solitary life alone.

We just seen your living accommodations, and all I saw was a tiny bed, a tiny mat, and a tiny room. Why do you use such a small room for yourself when you have all the space you need?

My entire life has been like this, from my school years to later in life, I have always lived in such little spaces. It's because I want to live like my neighbors because I believe myself to be one of them. I don't consider myself to be superior in any way. It's also in my blood. I believe in the hereafter; I believe that is the true life, therefore I try not to get too attached to this one.

As much as my health allows, I try to spend time with the students here every day. My health prohibits me from doing so on some days, but I'd like to continue studying with them as long as I live.

Our Turkish neighbors are running a program where female students can take graduate-level divinity courses. Although the same system could not be recreated here, there are certain ladies who attend the lectures on a regular basis.

What are Islamic leaders called?

Imam: prayer leader who may also serve as a spiritual counsellor and Islamic law expert. (Traditionally, the Imam of a congregation is a man; however, for a women-only meeting, a woman may serve as the prayer leader.) Shaykh/Shaykha: a Sufi Circle's spiritual leader (typically male, but occasionally female).

What is Cemaat?

According to the movement's website, it is founded on moral ideals and advocates for universal education, civil society, tolerance, and peace. The emphasis among members is on providing “service” (also the meaning of the Turkish word “hizmet”) as a result of personal commitments to moral imperatives. The Gülen movement or cemaat, along with hizmet, is the moniker given to the movement, which has no official name (the latter also used to describe participants in Sufi orders, meaning “congregation,” “community,” or “assembly.”) The movement has been described as a “moderate Islamic blend.” Gülen and the Gülen movement are tech-savvy, work within existing market and business structures, and are skilled communicators and public relations practitioners. In 2008, Gülen was dubbed “the modern face of the Sufi Ottoman tradition,” as he assures his followers, many of whom are members of “Turkey's aspirational middle class,” that “they can combine the statist-nationalist beliefs of Atatürk's republic with a traditional but flexible Islamic faith” and “Ottoman traditions that had been caricatured as theocratic by Atatürk and his ‘Kemalist'

The Gülen movement was perceived as keeping a distance from established Islamic political groups in the early 2000s.

According to sources, the Gülen movement is fighting for recognition as the world's most powerful Muslim network, one that is more moderate than many of its competitors. The movement is based on Gülen's actions, which have garnered appreciation from non-Muslims for his support of science, interfaith dialogue, and multi-party democracy. It's been dubbed “the world's biggest worldwide movement.”

“It is impossible to measure the size of the Gülen movement” since it is a collection of multiple, loosely connected networks of people inspired by Gülen, rather than a centralized or official organization with membership rolls. Estimates of the movement's strength vary, with one source claiming that Gülen's beliefs impact between 200,000 and 4 million people (1997 Tempo estimate), and another claiming that Gülen has “hundreds of thousands of sympathizers.” Students, teachers, businesspeople, academics, journalists, and other professions make up the majority of the movement's members. Schools, universities, an employers' association, charities, real estate trusts, student organizations, radio and television stations, and newspapers have all been formed by its members.

A flexible organizational network has been defined as the movement's structure. Locally, movement schools and companies organize themselves and develop informal networks. The movement evaded Kemalist Turkey's rules against assembly in non-state sponsored religious meetings, similar to Turkey's Sufi tariqas (lay religious orders), which were banned in 1925. (As a young man, future Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoan was a member of the Naqshbandi tariqa, which was officially prohibited in Turkey at the time.)

A person is designated as the “informal” (in the sense of not being Turkish state-sponsored) prayer leader in each local Gülen movement school and community (imam). This person is a layman in the Gülen movement who serves in this volunteer post for a period of time. His true name is maintained a secret, and only individuals with close ties to those involved in decision-making and coordinating councils within the local organization are aware of it. Another volunteer leader stands above a collection of such “hidden” (not-publicly-acknowledged) imams. This network of connections extends all the way to the nation's imam and individuals who consult with Gülen himself. (Those closest to Gülen who have degrees from theological colleges are jokingly referred to as mullahs within the movement.) As previously stated, Gülen's status is comparable to that of a shaykh (master) of a Sufi tariqa. Unlike traditional tariqas, no commitments are required to join the Gülen movement; instead, one simply becomes a movement participant by collaborating with others to promote and implement the organization's educational and service goals.

The Gülen movement operates within the constraints of modern secular nations, encouraging affiliated people to take advantage of the opportunities provided by those countries rather than engaging in disruptive operations. Gülen preaches “an Ottoman Empire of the Mind,” in the words of the leader himself and the title of a cornerstone of his philosophy.

Detractors of the movement have referred to Gülen community members as “secretive missionaries,” while supporters and favorable observers refer to the movement as a civil society organization.

Critics have said that adherents of the Gülen movement are extremely obedient to its leaders' orders, and that Gülen's “organization is commonly seen as a religio-political cult by its critics.” The movement was described as having “some of the traits of a cult or an Islamic Opus Dei” by the Guardian editorial board in 2013.

Scholars disagree, writing that while “there is no doubt that Gülen remains a charismatic leader and that members of the movement hold him in the highest regard,” the movement “differs markedly from a cult in several ways,” with Gülen emphasizing “the primacy of the scriptures” and “the imperative of service,” and consistently avoiding “attempts to institutionalize power, to perceive him as the source of all truth, or to v” Gülen should be understood in the context of a long line of Sufi masters who have long been a center of attention “for their fans and disciples, both historically and today,” according to Zeki Saritoprak.

In response to queries from Parliament, the Dutch government began an investigation of the movement's operations in the Netherlands in 2008. The AIVD's first two investigations concluded that the movement did not serve as a breeding ground for extremism and found no evidence that it campaigned against integration, was involved in terrorism, or was religiously radicalized. Another academic study painted a picture of a socially conservative, inwardly driven movement with an enigmatic organizational structure, but said that its members are very successful in society and hence do not pose a threat to integration.

In 2015, the value of Hizmet-affiliated foundations and enterprises was estimated to be between $20 and $50 billion.

Who is Gulan?

Prior to the Taliban's ouster, Gulan (also known as Sher Gulan) was a leader of an anti-Taliban militia. Before Hamid Karzai created his statewide provisional administration, he was a member of a local anti-Taliban provisional administration that rose to power in Eastern Afghanistan, centered in Jalalabad, Nangarhar.

According to The Washington Post, in December 2001, Gulan led one of the pincer maneuvers that failed to apprehend Osama bin Laden and prevent his escape from Tora Bora to Pakistan.

When his brother was killed fighting the Taliban in Tora Bora, Guantanamo detainee Anwar Khan reports handing in his guns and his brother's weapon to Gulan, and he chose to retire from the fight.

Khan and Gulan were under the command of Hazrat Ali, one of the militia commanders that nominated Hamid Karzai for the interim Afghan administration's presidency, Khan informed his Administrative Review Board.

What are Alevi people?

Alevi is a name used to describe a wide variety of diverse heterodox Muslim Shi'a communities. As a result, Alevis are Turkey's largest religious minority. Although they are technically Shi'a Muslims, they have a fundamentally different view of Islam than Shi'a communities in other nations. In their practice and interpretation of Islam, they also differ significantly from the bulk of Sunni Muslims. The exact number of Alevis is debatable. According to various accounts, Alevis number between 20 and 25 million people, ranging from roughly 10% to as high as 40% of the entire population.

The vast majority of Alevis are likely to be of Kizilbash or Bektashi ancestry, two sects that share nearly the identical set of beliefs but are organized differently. The Kizilbash have traditionally been a rural people that derive their identity from their parents. Bektashis, on the other hand, are primarily urban and say that membership is available to any Muslim.

They are divided into four linguistic groups: Azerbaijani Turkish, Arabic, Turkish, and Kurdish (both Kormanje and Zaza). The largest Alevi groups fall within the final two categories. In terms of politics, Kurdish Alevis have had to decide whether their first allegiance should be to their ethnic or religious communities. Some people are more concerned with religious solidarity with Turkish Alevis than ethnic solidarity with Kurds, despite the fact that many Sunni Kurds despise them. Some fear that such tensions will erupt into new ethno-religious strife.

Alevis believe in a path of truth that is concealed from the uninitiated, and they, like Sufis, believe the Qur'an contains both an open and hidden meaning. From Shari'a law adherence to tarika (brotherhood) to ma'rifa (mystical understanding of God), and finally to hakkika, there are various stages of divine insight (imminent experience of divine reality). Their confidence in Ali, as well as God and the Prophet Muhammad, is professed. Outwardly, Alevis differ from Sunni Muslims in the following ways: they do not fast during Ramadan, but do during the Ten Days of Muharram (the Shi'a commemoration of Imam Husayn's martyrdom); they do not prostrate themselves during prayer; they do not have mosques; and they do not have obligatory formal almsgiving, despite a strong principle of mutual assistance.

Historical context

The beliefs of the Alevi and Bektashi are thought to have originated in Central Asian Turkmen culture. However, since Kizilbash beliefs are derived from the founders of the Iranian Safavid dynasty, they are likely to have absorbed Christian beliefs when Byzantine peasantry adopted the Alevi faith during the Turkic conquest of Anatolia in the tenth and eleventh centuries, as well as Iranian pre-Islamic ideas.

Alevis have long been loathed since they were isolated within what became Sunni Ottoman empire. Many in the majority have seen Alevis as non-Muslims, questioned their loyalty, and attacked them with false and slanderous accusations. Alevis practice taqiyya to avoid persecution (dissimulation). Many Alevis commemorate the life of Pir Sultan Abdal, a sixteenth-century saint who served as a symbol of community collaboration and resistance against injustice.

Until recently, Alevis were able to live by living in distant locations. Hopes for a better future under a secular republic were dashed due to widespread bigotry. Alevis, particularly Kurds, have become increasingly vulnerable to Sunni prejudice and enmity as a result of conscription and the migration to towns in pursuit of work. Official policies such as the lack of legal status of Alevi cemevis (places of meeting and worship) and broad restriction of their construction – a ban that lasted until 2015 – mirrored this.

However, there has been a shift in the meaning of Alevism. In the face of urbanization, traditional Alevism, which was built on village and rural life, crumbled. Alevism became strongly associated with the political left in its place. The rise of Sunni Islam in the 1980s sparked a backlash among Alevis. With a flurry of publications in Turkey about Alevi religion and history, the revivalist process has been more of an ethno-political movement than a simply religious one. Although initiation into the esoteric portions of the faith is dwindling, there is little doubt that an Alevi cultural revival is taking place.

From the 1970s onwards, tensions between Sunni rightists and Alevi communists intensified. Sunni–Alevi tensions were exacerbated in part by Alevis migrating from hilly or unproductive lands to predominately Sunni communities in search of work. On a local level, the government has aided and abetted this harassment, often to the point of persecution. Alevis who have been harassed by Sunnis have rarely sought remedy from the police or the courts, believing the latter to be biased against them. Members of the far right National Action Party slaughtered around 100 Alevis in Maras in 1978. 67 Alevis were slain in Sivas in July 1993, at the end of an eight-hour Sunni siege of a hotel, while the police stood by. More than 20 Alevis were slain by vigilantes and police in Istanbul in March 1995. Alevis continue to be economically disadvantaged.

Alevis have been targeted and attacked in the past. In 2014, while attending a funeral ritual for a relative, an Alevi man, Uur Kurt, was shot and murdered by police outside a cemevi in Istanbul; the family later won a legal lawsuit and compensation.

Current issues

The announcement in December 2015 of a range of enhanced rights for Alevis, including legal recognition of cemevis, their houses of worship — a long-standing area of discrimination – was a significant milestone for the Alevi community. In May 2015, an Alevi religious leader or dede paid a visit to an Alevi prisoner, marking the first time an Alevi religious leader had been officially authorized to meet with a community member in custody. Despite this development, there have been allegations of Alevi homes being destroyed with insulting or patriotic slogans on a regular basis. When 13 houses in eastern Malatya province were daubed with red crosses in November 2017, Alevi community leaders voiced concern. In Istanbul, a mob attacked a cemevi and attempted to set it on fire in the same month.

Alevis are additionally penalized in Turkey by compulsory religious education sessions in primary and secondary schools. Although the programs provide some basic information about other religions, they are primarily focused on Sunni Hanafi Islam philosophy and practice. Non-Sunni Muslim minority are disproportionately affected by the classes: although Christian and Jewish pupils are exempt, Alevis are not. In 2007, an Alevi parent filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights, claiming that compulsory religious education violates Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The court ruled in their favor. Despite this, no progress has been made, and Alevi community members are continuing to work to alter this component of the curriculum. In January 2018, an Alevi leader protested that the Education Ministry's most recent curriculum did not depict cemevis as places of worship, but rather as structures where cultural activities take place, a continuing form of government distortion.

Alevis continue to be politically marginalized in the country, with only a small percentage of Alevis holding formal positions of power. Following the failed coup attempt in 2016 and subsequent government operations against perceived opponents, several journalists were imprisoned and media outlets were shut down, including the majority of those broadcasting and writing about Alevi culture.

Who is the spiritual head of Islamic world?

Imam. The Arabic word imam means “leader.” For example, a country's ruler can be referred to as the Imam. However, in the Islamic tradition, particularly in Shia belief, the phrase carries significant significance.

Is FETO real?

FETO is an illegal organization that uses Islam to construct a new political, economic, and social order that has nothing to do with Islam.

How many Gulen schools are there in the world?

The ostensibly “Gülen movement” Turkish-Americans established a network of private or semi-private schools. The schools are independent, but indirectly linked to the Islamic Gülen movement on a “intellectual or inspiring level,” according to Alp Aslandoan, executive director of the non-profit Alliance for Shared Values. In 2009, it was projected that Gülen movement members maintained schools that served over 2 million pupils, many of whom received full scholarships. The number of schools and educational institutions estimated to be over 300 in Turkey and over 1,000 worldwide varied greatly.

There were many Gülen schools in Turkey before to the 2016 Turkish coup attempt. The schools, as well as other Gülen schools in countries with large Turkish populations, were all shut down by legislation. Despite Turkey's official request, Gülen has not been extradited by the US.

Federal funding is provided to “Gülen” schools in the United States, which provide entirely secular education to children primarily from low-income families.

Why was there a coup in Turkey?

There were 15,846 people detained (10,012 troops and 1,481 members of the judiciary), with 8,133 of them being arrested.

48,222 government employees and officials have been placed on leave.

Three news organizations, 16 television stations, 23 radio stations, 45 newspapers, 15 magazines, and 29 publishers have all been forced to cease operations.

The coup d'état attempt of 15 July 2016 in Turkey (Turkish: 15 Temmuz darbe giriimi) targeted state institutions, notably the government and President Recep Tayyip Erdoan. The assassination attempt was carried out by a Turkish Armed Forces faction known as the Peace at Home Council, whose members have never been identified. They attempted to take control of many locations in Ankara, Istanbul, Marmaris, and elsewhere, including the Asian side entrance to the Bosphorus Bridge, but were thwarted by state forces. The coup was justified, according to the Council, by the degradation of secularism, the abolition of democratic government, the disdain for human rights, and Turkey's loss of international credibility. The coup leaders, according to the government, are tied to the Gülen movement, which the Republic of Turkey has labeled as a terrorist group and is directed by Fethullah Gülen, a Turkish businessman and academic who lives in Pennsylvania. The Turkish government claimed that Gülen was behind the coup (which Gülen disputed) and that he was being held in the United States. The events surrounding the attempted coup and the purges that followed reveal a complex power struggle amongst Turkey's Islamist leaders.

Nearly 300 people were killed and over 2,100 were injured during the coup attempt. Many government buildings were bombarded from the air, including the Turkish Parliament and the Presidential Palace. At least 40,000 people were held, including at least 10,000 troops and 2,745 judges, for reasons that are yet unknown. After the government claimed they were loyal to Gülen, 15,000 education employees were suspended, and the licenses of 21,000 private school teachers were canceled. On the basis of reports of ties to Gülen, over 77,000 people have been imprisoned and over 160,000 people have been sacked from their employment.

Many people, both domestically and internationally, were outraged by the coup attempt. The attempt was condemned by Turkey's main opposition parties, and various international leaders, including those from the United States, NATO, the European Union, and neighboring nations, urged for “respect of Turkey's democratic institutions and elected politicians.” International groups have spoken out against the coup attempt. The UN Security Council, on the other hand, did not condemn the coup due to differences over the wording of a statement. Unlike several Middle Eastern powers, which supported the coup or waited to see how it turned out, Iran was originally opposed to the attempt and counseled Erdogan to defeat the plotters.

After US Central Command leader General Joseph Votel denounced the Turkish government for arresting the Pentagon's connections in Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdoan claimed that Votel was “siding with coup plotters.”

Erdoan's claim that Fethullah Gülen was behind the failed coup attempt was dismissed by Germany's intelligence head in March 2017. The Foreign Affairs Select Committee of the British Parliament said some Gulenists were involved in the failed coup d'état attempt in the same month, but found no hard evidence that Fethullah Gülen was behind it, and found no evidence to justify the UK designating the Gülen movement as a “terrorist organization.”

Is Turkey a secular state?

Since the constitutional amendment in 1928, Turkey has been a secular republic with no official religion, which was further strengthened by Atatürk's Reforms and the application of laicism by the country's founder and first president Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on February 5, 1937. However, religion studies are now required in all primary and secondary schools, with a focus on the Sunni sect of Islam, while other religions are briefly discussed. Children are required to learn prayers and other religious traditions peculiar to Sunnism in these programs. Consequently, despite Turkey's nominal status as a secular state, religious traditions have been controversially taught in public schools. Its application for membership in the European Union sparked debate among current members, with some questioning whether a Muslim country could fit there. Turkish MPs have accused the EU's opponents of preferring a “Christian club” above the country.

Since the 1980s, the role of religion in the state has been a contentious subject, as powerful religious forces rejected Kemalism's desire for complete secularization, and Islamic rituals have seen a significant rebirth. After Recep Tayyip Erdoan's Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, Islamic groups challenged the concept of a secular state with increasing intensity.